The Obama Regime Has Been Using An American Foreign Good-Will Program To Unbalance Local U.S. Demographics

By Col. Tom Snodgrass (Ret.)Right Side News 

Refugee Resettlement Program Background

The United States’ history of admitting refugees in an organized humanitarian program dates to 1948 when the U.S. Congress enacted the Displaced Persons Act to provide for the admission of 400,000 displaced Europeans in the far-reaching wake of World War II. Later laws provided for the admission of thousands of dissent refugees fleeing the Communist regimes of Hungary, Poland, Yugoslavia, Korea, China, and Cuba.

The fall of Saigon to the communists in 1975 immediately created hundreds of thousands of Indochinese refugees. These displaced non-communists were resettled in America through an ad hoc U.S. Government Refugee Task Force. As a result of this chaotic resettlement experience, Congress passed the Refugee Act of 1980 to standardize the resettlement services for all refugees admitted to the U.S. Since the U.S. has begun the present refugee resettlement efforts in 1975, over 3 million refugees have been resettled the U.S.

It is this 1980 Refugee Act that now provides the legal basis today’s U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) which Obama is using to impose foreign populations by the hundreds and/or by the thousands on U.S. communities that have not been consulted by the federal government about such mass relocations, nor have they prepared the physical resources to accommodate the unwelcome foreign influxes imposed on them by the Obama regime.

Under the current USRAP, the U.S. Congress is supposed to be consulted by the president to agree to the numbers of refugees, the designated sources of incoming nationalities, and the resettlement processing priorities each year. To date the Congress has not disputed or challenged presidential priorities and plans that are carried out by the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (BPRM) in conjunction with the Office of Refugee Resettlement in the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the security office in the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Simply put, Congress has been derelict in fulfilling their legislatively mandated responsibility to rigorously monitor this program that has significant impact on communities which are at the mercy of unaccountable program bureaucrats through no choice of their own.

Not only does the congress exercise no authority over this massive and pervasive program, the U.S. Government’s BPRM, HHS, and DHS bureaucracies are not even directly involved in the actual selection of refugees coming to America. Instead, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has been choosing up to 95% of those who are to immigrate to the U.S. as refugees! Consequently, it is the UNHCR, in fact, that is dictating and determining much of U.S. immigration policy.

Refugee Resettlement Mechanics

Once refugees arrive on U.S. shores, a domestic voluntary “nonprofit refugee industry” takes over in selecting communities where the refugees will live and transporting them there. The practice that makes this program so objectionable is that the local communities, which are targeted to host the refugees, are never consulted as to how many displaced persons they can reasonably serve, instead these communities are just advised how many homeless people will be unloaded on their doorsteps. The relocation of these foreigners is carried out as a federal mandate, thus giving local authorities little or no say in the refugee resettlement operation.

The nine main major refugee resettlement organizations or “Volags” (from “Voluntary Agency”) are sustained financially by the receipt of over $4,000 per each refugee from the federal government. Consequently, the private Volag contractors have a financial incentive to maintain or increase the number of refugees they process each year, instead of allowing the number to decrease. The major nonprofit Volags are either religiously affiliated organizations like the US Conference of Catholic Bishops and Church World Service, or private charitable organizations like the International Rescue Committee and the Immigrant and Refugee Services of America. Of course, the nine major refugee resettlement organizations further subcontract to their approximately 450 affiliated local organizations throughout the country to provide logistical relocation services for the refugees.

The Financial Consequences Of The Refugee Resettlement Program

These Volags also collect transportation fees, expenses, overhead, and grant money from the U.S. federal and state governments. For the Volags, the program is so lucrative that it is a self-perpetuating global enterprise funded by the U.S. taxpayer.

Unsurprisingly the program is racked with fraud and corruption at all levels. UNHCR personnel sell admission into the program to prospective foreign candidates. Additionally, government funding fraud is commonplace among local refugee service organizations. There are no government oversight audits for money disbursed to the Volag contractors. And, because the refugees are eligible for Medicaid medical assistance, Food Stamps, Public Housing, Supplemental Security Income, Social Security Disability Insurance, Assistance for Developmental Disabilities, Child Care and Development, Independent Living Program,  Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program,  Postsecondary Education Loans and Grants, Refugee Assistance Programs, Title IV Foster Care and Adoption Assistance Payments, and Title XX Social Services Block Grant Funds, refugee welfare use is staggering and the accompanying inevitable fraud have been rampant.

Welfare costs are never counted by officials as an expense of the program. Yet, when welfare costs are included, the real price of the refugee program for U.S. taxpayers approaches at least $10-20 billion per year. Furthermore, permanent and intergenerational welfare dependence has been permitted to become an integral feature in the living patterns of some refugee groups.

Nor is USRAP necessarily good for the U.S. foreign policy aims, since the program diverts monetary resources from assistance on the ground to those very countries which carry the main burden of refugee crises. According to the estimate of Refugee Resettlement Watch:

Ironically, the money the U.S. spends bringing one refugee to the U.S. could have helped 500 individuals overseas in countries where they currently reside . . . The refugee program has a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy. It also affects internal and foreign policies of other nations by allowing them to rid themselves of unwanted minorities or close their borders to asylum seekers in the knowledge that the U.S. will take them in.

Bringing Islamic Jihad To The U.S.

Since the advent of the Obama regime in 2009, the program has increased the number of Muslims granted refugee status. More than 1.3 million Muslims have been brought to the U.S. through the USRAP so far. Islamic jihadists have used fraud to gain entry into the U.S. from fever swamps of jihad like Somalia, Iraq, Bosnia, and Kosovo. The importation of jihadists is about to become markedly worse with 17,000 Syrian refugees currently in the pipeline. They are predominately Sunni Muslims that have been given priority over endangered Middle East Christians in keeping with Obama regime and UN preferences.

The danger USRAP poses to the U.S. was clearly explained in an article that appeared in the New English Review:

The US RAP is a virtual Trojan Horse facilitating immigration under the Islamic doctrine of Dar al Hijra- immigration that constitutes civilizational jihad. This is the subject of a book by former Islamic jurist and convert to Christianity, Sam Solomon, and co-author E Al MaqdisiModern Day Trojan Horse; The Islamic Doctrine of Immigration – accepting Freedom or Imposing Islam?  The authors drew attention to the Islamic imperative behind migration allegedly attributed to the prophet Mohammed:

Migration cannot be ended as long as there is kufr (unbelief) or as long as there is an enemy that resists (kenz al Umak 4627). In other words, as long as there are communities out there that are non-Muslim, where Islam is not regarded as a supreme system, then jihad must continue.

Hence, Mohammed made it clear that migration is a duty that needs to be upheld forever or until the earth has submitted to the Islamic hegemony.

The authors note that the hadith (alleged sayings of Mohammed) demand that Muslim migrants not assimilate and remain separate adhering to Sharia “advancing the cause of Islam”:

In other words: “no integration with the host country.” Now if one’s entry visa or livelihood is based on showing some kind of integration … then it must be in appearance only and temporary until the Islamization objective is achieved.

Also, the Muslim refugees relocated to the U.S. through USRAP are not screened for HIV or TB. In the U.S., half of the TB is found in the foreign-born population. Nor are the incoming Muslims vetted as to their jihadist beliefs and commitment.


The USRAP is not just a “refugee resettlement program;” it is in reality the open gate to the Islamic jihadist invasion of the U.S.

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Col. Thomas Snodgrass, USAF (retired) served over a year in Peshawar, Pakistan, working with Pakistani military intelligence. During his year in Vietnam he daily scheduled 130 U.S. Army and Air Force intelligence collection aircraft. In his final overseas tour he was the U.S. Air Attaché behind the Iron Curtain in Warsaw, Poland. In total, Col. Snodgrass was variously an Intelligence Officer or an International Politico-Military Affairs Officer (military diplomat) serving duty tours in seven foreign countries, as well as teaching military history and strategy at the Air War College, US Air Force Academy, and USAF Special Operations School during a thirty-year military career. Additionally, he was awarded an Air Force scholarship to get a history master’s degree in revolutionary insurgent warfare at the University of Texas, as well as being granted a year’s educational sabbatical to teach and to write about international relations as an Air Force Research Associate in the graduate school at the Center for Advanced International Studies, University of Miami, Florida. Following the Air Force, Col. Snodgrass was an adjunct professor of military history for ten years at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University, Arizona.